A contemporary supermarket’s frozen pizza section hums softly under fluorescent lights, its glass doors fogging and clearing as customers reach inside. “Family comfort,” “extra cheese,” and “double flavor” are all promised on the boxes. The lists of ingredients read like chemical inventories, printed in fine gray type. It’s difficult to ignore how familiar the situation feels as you stand there—not like picking out dinner, but more like reaching for something designed to sate a craving before you’ve given it a proper name.
More and more scientists have started drawing comparisons between cigarettes and ultra-processed foods in recent years. At first, the comparison seems theatrical. However, researchers are discussing design rather than smoke or nicotine. Built to maximize consumption, these foods contain refined sugars, fats, salt, emulsifiers, and flavor enhancers. It seems that repeat behavior, rather than nourishment, is the aim.
| Category | Details |
|---|---|
| Scientific Framework | NOVA food classification system (United Nations FAO) |
| Leading Researcher | Dr. Ashley Gearhardt, University of Michigan (Food addiction research) |
| Public Health Voice | Dr. Chris van Tulleken, University College London |
| Key Finding | 14–20% of adults show signs of food addiction (Yale Food Addiction Scale) |
| Health Risks Linked | Obesity, depression, diabetes, cognitive decline, heart disease |
| Behavioral Mechanism | Hyper-palatable design altering dopamine and satiety signals |
| Industry Scale | Ultra-processed foods dominate diets in many Western countries |
| Policy Debate | Calls for regulation similar to tobacco controls |
| Reference | https://www.fao.org |
In most parts of the world today, diets are dominated by ultra-processed foods like soda, packaged snacks, instant noodles, and frozen meals. Excessive consumption has been linked in studies to higher risks of depression, heart disease, type 2 diabetes, and cognitive decline. Anxiety, sleep issues, and overall mortality were linked in one extensive meta-analysis. However, it’s still unclear how much of this is due to direct causation and how much is a result of general lifestyle choices.
The way these foods affect the brain is what scientists are most concerned about. Humans have evolved to react to fat and sweetness as survival cues. Rarely do those signals come together in nature. Sugar, fat, salt, and artificial flavorings are combined in ultra-processed products in proportions that are hardly ever seen outside of a lab. As a result, food that suppresses fullness cues and promotes continuous eating is known as hyper-palatability.
Participants in controlled studies who ate ultra-processed diets unknowingly consumed hundreds more calories daily. The response of satiety hormones was different. There was still hunger. Repetitive exposure may subtly alter appetite by teaching the body to anticipate stimulation rather than food.
The cigarette analogy loses its metaphorical meaning in the context of the addiction debate. Up to one in five adults exhibit behaviors similar to substance dependence when it comes to specific foods, according to research using the Yale Food Addiction Scale. The rates of alcohol and nicotine addiction coincide with that number. Although there is disagreement over whether food addiction and drug addiction are biologically identical, it is hard to overlook the behavioral similarities.
These terms are rarely used by industry insiders to describe products. They discuss consumer preference, mouthfeel, and shelf stability. However, former food scientists have admitted to optimizing “bliss points,” which are specific ratios of salt, fat, and sugar that activate reward systems. Melt-in-your-mouth structures, soft textures, and vibrant colors make overindulging easy. It’s comfort disguised as engineering.
Teenagers lean against parked motorcycles outside a convenience store on a humid evening, sharing foil-wrapped snacks and fluorescent sports drinks. The scene appears innocuous, even sentimental. As it develops, there’s a sense that these behaviors might be viewed in future public health discussions in a similar manner to how we currently perceive 1960s cigarette advertisements: common at the time, but unsettling now.
However, there are limits to analogies to tobacco. People don’t need cigarettes; they need to eat. Additionally, ultra-processed foods are inexpensive and have a long shelf life, which benefits low-income communities and busy households. Demonizing them without addressing food access, according to critics, runs the risk of oversimplifying a complicated issue.
Still, there is a growing interest in regulation. Some public health experts support taxes on highly processed goods, marketing restrictions targeted at children, or warning labels. Instead of shrinking, investors appear to think the industry will adapt, reformulating products while maintaining the level of convenience that customers expect.
Whether ultra-processed foods will be viewed as a dietary hazard or as a contemporary excess that should be controlled by education is still up in the air. It is evident that research is shifting from calorie counting to behavior, specifically how food influences mood, cravings, and decision-making.
Under the light of a refrigerator bulb late at night, the allure of a packaged snack can seem strangely compelling. Not exactly hunger. Something more akin to coercion. Determining whether the cigarette analogy is alarmist or subtly accurate may begin with an understanding of that distinction.

